By Antoni Kapcia
Here Anthony Kapcia deals a much-needed corrective to 'Fidel-centric' histories of the Cuban revolution, focusing in its place on a much wider solid of characters unknown to informal observers. in addition to the extra noticeable contributions from Che Guevara and Raúl Castro, each one decade in view that has visible a number of key gamers eager about the procedures of decision-making, usually creating a major distinction to the end result of debates, judgements and definitions. in addition to analysing their impact, Kapcia translates their a variety of roles inside a much broader means of nation-building, demonstrating that Cuba has passed through an strange, if no longer detailed, strategy of progressive corporatism.
Essential examining for somebody drawn to Cuba's background and its future.
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Additional resources for Leadership in the Cuban Revolution: The Unseen Story
The programme itself was launched with a series of criticisms of aspects of Cuban life and work practices (including its ‘dependency culture’ and shallow egalitarianism) and, specifically, with the shocking plan to shed a million public sector jobs, half within six months, to be soaked up by an enlarged self-employed sector. The general reaction proved his flexibility, as the resulting negotiations with the CTC slowed and watered down the proposals and the timescale, although without changing the plan’s purpose.
However, this overlooked another feature of Fidel’s personality: his overwhelming sense of history. In 1953, his first public appeal was a rallying call to Cuba’s historical destiny, and an awareness of the Revolution’s historical importance was always central to his speeches, writings and beliefs. Hence, although he may initially have intended to retire temporarily in 2006, he was ultimately well aware that a power vacuum could seriously damage political stability and endanger the historical project to which he had dedicated his life.
From his earliest political activism in the late 1940s he seems to have led those around him, using his decisiveness (occasionally becoming impetuousness), dynamism and charm to persuade people to accom pany him on different ventures. These included the abortive 1947 plan to liberate the Trujillo-dominated Dominican Republic, which ultimately petered out into a frustrated wait on Cayo Confites by a group of mostly young would-be ‘liberators’. These ventures did not, however, include the murky world of armed student politics in and around the University of Havana; here, although the so-called bon chismo (‘gangsterism’) of the late 1930s and early 1940s had declined and had been channelled in different directions (Aguiar Rodríguez 2000), enough remained for Fidel to become attached to one of the supposedly political groups, the UIR (Revolutionary Insurrectionary Union).
Leadership in the Cuban Revolution: The Unseen Story by Antoni Kapcia